мир очень мале нький, or a Little Known Chapter of Russian America, Orthodox Community in the Pribilov Islands, Long After the Alaska Purchase

La fotografia e la piu bella delle collezioni

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мир очень маленький

It’s a Small World, #101

This month’s featured transmission is about a little known persistence of Russian America, an Orthodox community in the Pribilov Islands, long after the 1867 Alaska Purchase, as seen in 1919 by a young paleontologist and fur-seal census-taker G Dallas Hanna (1887-1970)

The Russian Exploration

On roughly 16 July 1742, Bering and the crew of Sv. Petr sighted Mount Saint Elias on the Alaskan mainland; they turned westward toward Russia soon afterward. Meanwhile, Chirikov and the Sv. Pavel headed back to Russia in October with news of the land they had found. Beginning in 1743, small associations of fur-traders began to sail from the shores of the Russian Pacific coast to the Aleutian islands. As the runs from Asiatic Russia to America became longer expeditions (lasting two to four years or more), the crews established hunting- and trading-posts. By the late 1790s some of these had become permanent settlements, especially in the Pribilov islands, in what later became Russian America.

Russian America

The signing of the Treaty, March 30, 1867 (detail)

One cottage, 216 log cabins, 23 isolated posts and a large piece of land sold for 7,2 M$

Seward told the nation that the Russians estimated that Alaska contained about 2,500 Russians and those of mixed race (that is, a Russian father and native mother), and 8,000 indigenous people, in all about 10,000 people under the direct government of the Russian fur company, and possibly 50,000 Inuit and Alaska Natives living outside its jurisdiction. The Russians were settled at 23 trading posts, placed at accessible islands and coastal points. At smaller stations only four or five Russians were stationed to collect furs from the natives for storage and shipment when the company’s boats arrived to take it away. There were two larger towns. New Archangel, now named Sitka, had been established in 1804 to handle the valuable trade in the skins of the sea otter and in 1867 contained 116 small log cabins with 968 residents. St. Paul in the Pribilof Islands had 100 homes and 283 people and was the center of the seal fur industry. After the transfer, a number of Russian citizens first remained in Sitka, but very soon nearly all of them decided to return to Russia. The Aleutian and Métis population of St. Paul became the main persistence of the Russian presence.

Alaska Purchase


Summer Expedition to St.-Paul Island

G Dallas Hanna (1887-1970)

Pribilov Islands, Bering Sea, 1919

Album with one map, a manuscript table, recent censuses of the seal hord and 68 vintage silver prints, mostly 180×240 mm, several signed in negative, with a printed booklet, Geological Notes on the Pribilof Islands, Alaska, with an Account of the Fossil Diatoms, excerpt from the American Journal of Science, September 1919, stamp: "private library of John P torsch"

His first name was G, just that, no period, G Dallas Hanna (1887-1970) worked for the U.S. Bureau of Fisheries as Assistant Warden, Teacher, Radio Operator on St. George Island (1913—1914), then Agent, Teacher, Storekeeper, fur-seal census-taker on St. Paul Island (Summers 1913—1919), before becoming paleontologist and curator at the California Academy of Sciences, (1919-1970).

This album includes photographs made by Hanna to illustrate his own manuscript, The Alaska Fur-Seal Islands, as well as photographs made by others that were collected by Hanna. Images show wildlife on St. Paul and St. George islands including seals, sea lions, and birds. They also depict aspects of the fur-seal census, and sealing operations, including fur-seal harvests, and buildings, and Pribilof Islands native villagers with their orthodox Pope – presented as Greek Catolic….

The last images illustrate the hellish activity of the island, mass killing of artic animals. Killing fields, "thousands of carcasses were left to rot…".

Further reading: John A. Lindsay, Gina Rappaport, and Betty A. Lindsay, Pribilof Islands, Alaska Guide to Photographs and Illustrations, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, August 2009





Serge Plantureux
Cabinet d’expertises et d’investigations
Palazzo Augusti Arsilli
Via Marchetti 2
60019 Senigallia

The transmission presents articles as well as selections of books, albums, photographs and documents as they have been handed down to the actual owners by their creators and by amateurs from past generations. The physical descriptions, attributions, origins, and printing dates of the books and photographs have been carefully ascertained by collations and through close analysis of comparable works. When items are for sale, the prices are in Euros, and Paypal is accepted.

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15.12.2019. Black Silhouettes of 3 Female Slave Owners, An Hommage to Kara Walker

La fotografia e la piu bella delle collezioni

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BLACK SILHOUETTES OF FEMALE SLAVE OWNERS

Paris au temps de Daguerre, #2

This month’s featured transmission is about black silhouettes of dark minds made in Paris in the 1820’s, and is dedicated to Kara Walker.

Saint-Domingue

Saint-Domingue was a French colony on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola from 1659 to 1804, in what is now Haiti.

Saint-Domingue

French Slave Owners

In 1791, enslaved Africans and some free people of color of Saint-Domingue began waging a rebellion against French authority. The rebels became reconciled to French rule following the abolition of slavery in the colony in 1793, although this alienated the island’s dominant slave-holding class. France controlled the entirety of Hispaniola from 1795 to 1802, when a renewed rebellion began. The last French troops withdrew from the western portion of the island in late 1803, and the colony later declared its independence as Haiti, its indigenous name, the following year.

Settlers from St.-Domingue

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Claims from Slave Owners

Between 1826 and 1833, following the French King’s Ordinance on the implementation of the Act of 30 April-13 May 1826 on the distribution of compensation for former settlers of St.- Domingue, a Royal Commission verified more than 27,000 claims from St.- Domingue owners and their beneficiaries, ultimately retaining 12,000 files. Between 1828 and 1834, the commission published the results of its work in six large volumes.

Colons spoliés / Archives Nationales

Black Silhouettes of Three Former Slaves Owners:

Alice Genet, Amélie Flandin and Lucie Barras

Paris, circa 1830 (Instruction of the indemnisation, 1826-1833)

Three cut-out silhouettes, 40×25 cm, on original paper mounts, sheets, about 50×40 cm, with names in ink or pencil (followed by a digital image of the left panel of Kara Walker’s triptych Resurrection Story with Patrons, courtesy Hamilton College)

In 1791, enslaved Africans and some free people of color of Saint-Domingue began waging a rebellion against French authority. The rebels became reconciled to French rule following the abolition of slavery in the colony in 1793, although this alienated the island’s dominant slave-holding class. France controlled the entirety of Hispaniola from 1795 to 1802, when a renewed rebellion began. The last French troops withdrew from the western portion of the island in late 1803, and the colony later declared its independence as Haiti, its indigenous name, the following year.

Prior to the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), the economy of Saint-Domingue gradually expanded, with sugar and, later, coffee becoming important export crops. After the war, which disrupted maritime commerce, the colony underwent rapid expansion. In 1767, it exported 72 million pounds of raw sugar and 51 million pounds of refined sugar, one million pounds of indigo, and two million pounds of cotton.[11] Saint-Domingue became known as the "Pearl of the Antilles" — one of the richest colonies in the world in the 18th-century French empire. It was the greatest jewel in imperial France’s mercantile crown. By the 1780s, Saint-Domingue produced about 40 percent of all the sugar and 60 percent of all the coffee consumed in Europe. This single colony, roughly the size of Hawaii or Belgium, produced more sugar and coffee than all of the British West Indies colonies combined, generating enormous revenue for the French government and enhancing its power.

The labor for these plantations was provided by an estimated 790,000 African slaves, accounting in 1783–1791 for a third of the entire Atlantic slave trade. Between 1764 and 1771, the average annual importation of slaves varied between 10,000 and 15,000; by 1786 it was about 28,000, and from 1787 onward, the colony received more than 40,000 slaves a year. However, the inability to maintain slave numbers without constant resupply from Africa meant the slave population in 1789 totalled to 500,000, ruled over by a white population that numbered only 32,000.[11] At all times, a majority of slaves in the colony were African-born, as the brutal conditions of slavery and tropical diseases such as yellow fever prevented the population from experiencing growth through natural increase [1]. African culture thus remained strong among slaves to the end of French rule. The folk religion of Vodou commingled Catholic liturgy and ritual with the beliefs and practices of the Vodun religion of Guinea, Congo and Dahomey.[12] Slave traders scoured the Atlantic coast of Africa, and the slaves who arrived came from hundreds of different tribes, their languages often mutually incomprehensible.

Saint-Domingue had the largest and wealthiest free population of color in the Caribbean; they were known as the gens de couleur. The royal census of 1789 counted roughly 25,000 such persons. While many free population of color were former slaves, most members of this class were mulattoes, of mixed French/European and African ancestry. Typically, they were the descendants of the enslaved women and French colonists. As in New Orleans, a system of plaçage developed, in which white men had a kind of common-law marriage with slave or free mistresses, and provided for them with a dowry, sometimes freedom, and often education or apprenticeships for their mixed-race children. Some such descendants of planters inherited considerable property. As their numbers grew, they were made subject to discriminatory colonial legislation. Statutes forbade gens de couleur from taking up certain professions, marrying whites, wearing European clothing, carrying swords or firearms in public, or attending social functions where whites were present

After the defeat of the French army, wealthy white owners saw the opportunity to preserve their political power and plantations. They attacked the town halls that had representatives of the defeated French authority. Elite planters took control of the former Spanish side of the island, asking Spain for a Spanish government and protection by the Spanish army. Later these planters created trade regulations that would further preserve their own wealth and power.

Between 1826 and 1833, following the King’s Ordinance on the implementation of the Act of 30 April-13 May 1826 on the distribution of compensation for former settlers of Santo Domingo[archive], a Royal Commission verified more than 27,000 claims from Santo Domingo owners and their beneficiaries, ultimately retaining 12,000 files. Between 1828 and 1834, the commission published the results of its work in six large volumes. This is the famous detailed statement of the liquidations carried out by the Commission responsible for distributing the compensation awarded to the former settlers of Santo Domingo, in accordance with the law of 30 April 1826. An important source of genealogy, social and economic history of Santo Domingo, the detailed state includes data on about 7,900 former homeowners and 1,500 other buildings. The document provides as follows:

the surnames and forenames of the owner(s);

the surnames and forenames of the heirs/beneficiaries of the former owner(s);

the name, parish and exact location of the dwelling;

the type of activity (sugar factory, cafeteria, indigotry, cottage industry, etc.)

the amount of compensation awarded.

Serge Plantureux
Palazzo Augusti Arsilli
Via Marchetti 2
60019 Senigallia

CONSIGNED IT, a benefit auction in support of the cultural heritage and photographic activities of the City of Senigallia.

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Une exposition à Senigallia et un article remarquable de Michele Smargiassi : Giacomelli ou le don d’ubiquité

A l’occasion d’une interessante exposition dans le nouveau lieu d’exposition de Senigallia PIKTART (https://www.pikta.it/piktart/), le journaliste Michele Smargiassi a rédigé un remarquable article sur le don d’ubiquité de Mario Giacomelli, qui savait élargir son champ de vision grace à la complicité avec des amis voyageurs dans les airs ou sur terre, à qui il confiait parfois sa camera, toujours des instructions précises de metteur en scène. Voici la traduction (adaptée) de l’article du blog au nom malicieux : “Fotocrazia”. Une version de l’article a paru dans La Repubblica le 23 novembre 2019.

“Il était curieux de savoir de quelle manière Dieu nous observe. Que comprend-il de nous, depuis le haut des cieux, lui qui “ne peux voir, s’il est juste au-dessus de nous, dans quel état nous sommes réduits”.

Ce sont les paroles de Mario Giacomelli, recueillies par sa nièce Simona Guerra, dans une longue interview, peu avant sa mort, en 2000.

Mais Dieu n’a pas peur de voler dans le haut des cieux. Et par ailleurs, Dieu est omniscient. Mais lui, Giacomelli, ne l’est pas. Il a donc cherché une solution.

« Amateur » génial, Giacomelli fut l’un des plus grands artistes utilisant la photographie au XXe siècle, peut-être l’un des deux ou trois photographes Italiens connus au-delà des frontières de ce pays culturellement autarcique.

Mais en fait, cet artiste inspiré, isolé et plutôt misanthrope, avait peur de s’envoler dans les airs. Il a donc eu idée d’emprunter les yeux d’un ami et compatriote, un collègue photographe professionnel qui, lui, avait l’habitude des avions.

Capture d’écran 2019-12-03 à 09.41.58

planche-contact de l’archive Leopoldi, Senigallia

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